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2017-11-11 13:13:50 发表 |
| 天主教难道无解？ |
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2017-11-11 08:07:47 发表 |
帕罗林打赢了梵蒂冈内战
How Cardinal Parolin won the Vatican civil war
The cardinal has overcome the challenges to his power. How much further can he go?
When Cardinal Pietro Parolin was appointed Vatican secretary of state in October 2013, there were rumours that the oldest dicastery in the Roman Curia was about to have its wings clipped. Insiders said that Pope Francis was considering creating a new department to deal with the interior running of the Curia, reducing the secretariat of state’s role to the diplomatic functions of the Holy See alone.
But in an early sign of his political nous, Cardinal Parolin ensured that this did not happen. Not only that, he also made certain that his department’s grip on all the others was actually tightened.
Another indication that Parolin would re-assert the central role of the secretariat of state was his appointment to the Council of Cardinal Advisers. This new body was created only a month after Francis’s election to allow the Pope to receive advice from outside the curial circle. Many thought that the secretariat of state had monopolised access to successive popes.
It was therefore significant that it was not represented in the new council. But in July 2014, after less than a year, the “C8” became the “C9”, with Parolin added to their number. The new secretary of state, made a cardinal that February, was not about to let himself be marginalised.
Three years later, the secretariat of state has not only maintained its overarching grip on the other dicasteries; it has also seemingly increased its dominance still further. Parolin, the archetypal curial insider, seems more and more to be setting the agenda in Rome.
Who is Parolin? He is the son of a shop manager and a teacher from near Vicenza. He was ordained in 1980 and swiftly chosen to train as a papal diplomat. After postings in Nigeria and Mexico, where he helped to oversee the legal recognition of the Catholic Church, he returned to Rome. He rose to become Undersecretary of State for Relations with States in 2002. In 2009, Benedict XVI appointed him nuncio to Venezuela, then under the messianic rule of Hugo Chávez. Parolin impressed observers with his deft handling of the erratic strongman.
When Pope Francis handed him the top curial job four years later, many saw it as a return to the status quo. Under Benedict, Cardinal Tarcisio Bertone, previously a trusted collaborator at the Congregation for Doctrine for the Faith, had held the post of secretary of state. The impression of incompetence surrounding Bertone’s tenure was perhaps fuelled in part by the resentment of the old guard against this non-diplomat parvenu. Parolin, who enjoyed a reputation for both skilful diplomacy and tactful management of staff, seemed a natural choice to steady the boat.
Parolin quickly began to display another talent: that of routing rivals. Another member of the cardinals’ council was the combative Australian Cardinal George Pell. At one point he looked likely to be a forceful agent of reform, the more so since Francis gave him a remit to oversee the finances of every Vatican department, giving his Secretariat for the Economy unprecedented powers and making him a potential rival to Parolin. But as an outsider, Pell quickly aroused resentment both by his blunt manner and his unrelenting scrutiny.
The resentment undoubtedly helped Parolin to outmanoeuvre the Australian. In a series of power struggles, at first over details, Parolin gained the upper hand. Then, in April 2016, it was announced that an outside audit of the whole Vatican financial set-up was to be indefinitely suspended. This was probably the turning point, even before unforeseen events made Parolin’s victory complete. In July this year Pell returned to Australia seeking to clear his name after allegations of historical abuse, effectively removing himself from the Roman scene.
As head of Vatican diplomacy, Parolin has notched up several successes, to the point where his ascendancy seems all but accomplished. It was apparently his diplomatic skill which brought him to Francis’s attention in the first place. In addition to his central role in normalising Mexico’s relations with the Holy See, he worked from Rome to improve relations with the communist governments of Vietnam and China.
His appointment as nuncio to Venezuela was, according to some reports, the result of Bertone’s disfavour, possibly because Parolin was judged too accommodating towards hostile regimes. But his balancing act in Caracas between Chávez and the country’s bishops – who certainly seem to have thought him too favourable to the flamboyant populist they regarded as a tyrant – was closer to the policy favoured by the then Cardinal Jorge Mario Bergoglio.
Now at Francis’s side on many major foreign trips and acting as his representative on others, Parolin has continued to chalk up achievements. He contributed markedly to the establishment of relations between Cuba and the United States. This formed part of the background to Francis’s historic meeting with the Russian Orthodox Patriarch in Havana last year. Parolin built on that success with a highly publicised visit to both Patriarch Kirill and Putin in August.
Parolin’s ascension to the heights of power in the Church has been impressive, but there are suggestions that he might not have peaked yet. Such notable observers as Sandro Magister and John Allen have proposed that he is in a position to be the next pope. Such speculation is, of course, to be viewed with caution: conclaves are notoriously unpredictable, and Francis shows no sign of flagging. Nevertheless, the fact that the 62-year-old is being talked about as papabile is itself significant.
Four years ago, nobody would have entertained the idea that a curial diplomat, and an Italian one at that, might become pope in an internationalised Church conscious of past institutional failures. What has changed in the meantime?
Polarisation in the Church, already apparent under the pontificates of John Paul II and Benedict XVI, has not ceased under Pope Francis. Many believe that a diplomat might be ideally suited to healing divisions – the more so since it would probably be difficult for a candidate with a strong theological orientation to gain the adherence of two thirds of the electors. Parolin has not taken up firm positions on the issues which divide Catholics so publicly today, contenting himself with calls for dialogue.
Others, however, think that what is needed above all is a coherent vision. And some think Parolin bland and uninspiring. The case of China, the one area where Parolin has not so far gained great success, is perhaps telling. Talks seem to have stalled over the summer, with the Chinese government hardening its position in the face of Vatican readiness to compromise over the role of the state in naming bishops. Some have claimed that Parolin’s cautious approach concedes too much to the enemies of the Church and betrays a lack of conviction. Cardinal Joseph Zen, that seasoned old warrior who insists that truth must come before expedience, is scathing. He has accused Parolin of putting diplomacy before faith.
Is he right, or is the dialogue which Parolin has always advocated, both within the Church and in its relations with the outside world, the key to success? Both positions have strong advocates, and nobody knows which way a future conclave might lean. Few doubt, however, that this consummate representative of institutional stability and prudent management will play an important role in the deliberations of the cardinal electors.
This article first appeared in the November 10 2017 issue of the Catholic Herald.
帕罗林的胜利是天主的胜利还是魔鬼的胜利？ |
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2017-11-11 08:03:50 发表 |
| 方济各教宗，帕罗林二把也自称是基督徒！ |
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2017-11-11 07:49:50 发表 |
| 该评论员指出，他并非要说韩志海是丑角，而是在今日中国教会，「他只是生逢其时的一个缩影而已」，不得不说他是「一位善于察看时代征兆审时度势的『精明管家』。」 |
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2017-11-11 07:49:13 发表 |
兰州教区韩志海主教公开就职，有神父不赞成而没参与
【天亚社．香港讯】中国西北甘肃省兰州教区韩志海主教于十一月十日接受公开就职，他以社交媒体通报教区神父，「罗马乐意看到这样的结果」。但有教区神父则对主教就职有所保留而没有参加。
就职礼在兰州教区小沟头耶稣圣心主教座堂举行，由中国天主教主教团副主席、陕西省榆林教区杨晓亭主教主持，同为甘肃省的平凉教区韩纪德主教襄礼。
兰州教区保禄神父对天亚社说，来自该教区和同省的平凉及天水教区有四十六位神父、四十七位修女及逾三百位教友参加，还有兰州各地来的宗教局、统战部的干部出席，「没有限制，可能有公安系统的人，但全是便装」。
但他坦言，并不是全数教区神父出席，也有些对韩主教就职有保留的神父没有参加。
韩志海主教于二零零三年秘密晋牧，一直没得到政府的公开认可。
然而，兰州教区目前有卅八位神父，却有十二人没有出席，包括在海外学习的神父。
一位不赞成韩主教就职而没有参加礼仪的神父对天亚社说，他所服务的堂区教友比较「古怪、传统，性格比较强」，他们接受不了主教就职，也不接受爱国会，就是神父去参加也不接受，「所以不能去，去了担心回来就不认我」。
该位不愿透露姓名的神父续说，主教合不合法也要看就职，他反问：「这个是罗马让就职？还是政府要求就职？这是两码子的事。」他强调，《天主教法典》说接到宗座诏书后，应在三个月内接受主教祝圣礼和就职。「当了十多年主教现在才来就职，肯定不符合教会法律。」
而保禄神父表示，据韩主教本人说，他已就就职礼跟教廷沟通过了，「我向教宗也报告了我的情况，罗马传来消息说，他乐意看到这样的结果」。这位神父相信韩主教就职后，「对教区的发展一定会好」。
但不愿透露姓名的神父指出，韩主教透过《微信》在教区神父群里以文字汇报，他不讳言是不是真有此事还不知道，因为他没看到任何来自教廷的文件或信函。
他续说，韩主教就职，目前还说不上对整个教区有什么影响，「主要是看主教日后怎样操作，若是过于按照政府的一套去做，可能会越来越糟」。他担心，从今起兰州教区走向两极分化。
虽然韩主教多年来不获政府承认，但有教友质疑他于二零一六年六月，参加了由国家宗教局举办的天主教界人士学习贯彻全国宗教工作会议精神培训班。
该培训班有来自主教团和中国天主教爱国会，及廿七个省、区、市的天主教两会一百五十多名学员参加，当中包括多位非法主教。
从地下到官方：兰州教区韩志海主教举行就职典礼
兰州（亚洲新闻）— 梵蒂冈任命的兰州教区韩志海主教于十一月十日在甘肃省会兰州市圣心大教堂举行就职典礼，意味着他正式获得了政府认可。
礼仪由主教团副主席、延安（榆林）教区杨晓亭主教主持，然后由韩主教接续主祭弥撒。同省平凉教区韩纪德主教及天水教区公开教会团体的教区长赵建章神父，也参与共祭。
所有参礼主教都是梵蒂冈批准的，而赵神父于2011年已获梵蒂冈任命为天水教区助理主教，但北京当局尚未批准其祝圣礼。甘肃由兰州、平凉和天水教区组成，延安位于毗邻陕西省。
除了本地和邻近教区约50位神父，还有约350名修女和教友参礼，兰州各地区的宗教局和统战部官员也出席仪式。教堂大院亦有些保安在维持秩序。有消息人士指出，兰州教区三十八位神父，约十二人没有来，参礼神父大多不是本教区的。而三个女修会，只有两个修会有出现。
一位不愿具名的天主教评论员说，就职礼的特色就是，中国天主教爱国会和中国天主教主教团（一会一团）前来道贺的专员当众宣读主教团的「批准书」，然后由就职的主教致答谢词宣誓效忠党国。
这位熟悉兰州教区情况的评论员告诉《亚洲新闻》，宗教局官员早前要求神父和修女们出席礼仪，表示这事与梵蒂冈沟通好，叫他们不要有甚么顾虑。
韩志海主教于1966年出生，1994年晋铎，其后获杨立柏主教委任为副主教。他于2003年接受秘密祝圣为主教，接替于1998年去世的杨主教。在他祝圣的同一年，比利时举办关于中国教会的一个研讨会上，大会宣读了这位年轻主教的公开信，呼吁国内主教兄弟结束地上和地下之间的不必要分裂，赢得了普世教会的赞誉。
此前一直不获北京承认的韩主教于2015年接受《梵蒂冈内部通讯》访问时，声称政府在2010年就准备认可他，「是我从那时起避免了要求政府承认。」
不过，据该评论员指出，韩主教在十多年前就求见过在中国教会内有「黑教宗」之称的刘栢年，表示希望得到政府认可。但刘当时言简意赅地说要「听其言，观其行」。自那时起，韩主教有意地疏远同其他地下团体的来往。
事实上，省两会（爱国会及教务委员会）2013年的一份关于堂区神父调动的批覆通知，显示韩主教及兰州教区已接受了政府的管理。只是该通知很快地从教区网站和国内一个受欢迎天主教网站上移除。
2016年6月，韩主教也出席了由国家宗教事务局为逾30位主教在北京主办的一个学习班。活动上，主讲的官员继续强调独立自主自办教会和自选自圣主教的原则。
虽然韩主教本人没有加入爱国会，但他允许两名神父成为省政协委员和爱国会成员，并参加2010和2016年的第八次和第九次全国天主教代表大会。代表大会是一会一团之上的最高权力机构，明显违反教会圣统制。2017年6月，韩主教的秘书兼亲戚韩修女亦出席了爱国会成立60周年纪念大会，跟其他与会者一起获政治局常委俞正声接见。
梵蒂冈不承认全国代表大会、爱国会和主教团这三个政府认可的教会机构，因为它们倡议独立自主自办教会原则。但近年来，梵蒂冈不时被国内教友批评，为了与中国政府维持谈判，而对独立教会的原则立场软化。
该评论员指出，他并非要说韩志海是丑角，而是在今日中国教会，「他只是生逢其时的一个缩影而已」，不得不说他是「一位善于察看时代征兆审时度势的『精明管家』。」
他说：「我们透过这个来自甘肃边远山区胸无点墨却善于察言观色变色的宗徒继承人的牧职轨迹和发迹史，不难看出：在今日中国，做一位牧人，也容易也不容易啊！我们也不难领悟到，为什么同是地下教会，待遇差别却大不一样，有些人可以到处游走，有些人则被拘留。」
今天的礼仪是中梵十月最新一轮谈判后，于11月举行的两个主教就职礼之一。十一月十六日邯郸教区孙继根主教也将就职成为政府认可的主教。 |
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2017-11-11 07:34:45 发表 |
| 你们却批准了一群精明而不义的管家一一爱国会主教！ |
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